However, this »benign neglect« is not likely to be of long duration and should not be confused with peace and stability. This issue of international politics and society therefore directs its attention specifically towards the West. It would be presumptuous to pretend to provide a comprehensive analysis of this enormous – and extremely heterogeneous – subcontinent. Latin America cannot be squeezed into the confines of a journal. Our aim is rather to get to the bottom of a few key regional problems and to examine options for the future.
Latin America has never been as democratic as it is today – at least if one looks at the formal systems of governance. Dieter Nohlen’s contribution, however, depicts how fragile the social basis of democracy is in the region. Trust in democratic institutions and support for democracy as a form of government are declining in Latin America. The trust in the generalized Other – Putnam’s »social capital« – which is necessary for a living democracy is underdeveloped. By contrast, people put a great deal of trust in friends and relatives, a state of affairs which favors a political culture of clientism and nepotism. The persistence of such attitudes, albeit cloaked by modernization discourse and pseudo-reforms, is illustrated by H.C.F. Mansilla’s analysis of Bolivian administrative reforms. According to Dieter Nohlen, if the obstacles to democratic consolidation are to be overcome, civil society must play a decisive role. The latter must, however, part company with its historically well-founded but today counterproductive anti-institutional stance since this further undermines democracy and boosts populist tendencies.
Latin American history was always characterized by migration. Today the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are net labor exporters to the rich, ageing countries of the North. However, as Keith Nurse shows, migration has a number of negative effects on social and economic development. These effects cannot be compensated by the remittances of the diaspora community alone, but call for a regional strategy, particularly investment in education and training, to which the countries of immigration should also contribute.
Migration as an »exit« strategy is not an option for everyone. Recurrent crises and the exacerbation of social problems in Latin America, alongside continuing elite privileges, have recently provoked massive social protests. In Argentina widespread exercise of the »voice« option led finally to the fall of the conservative-neoliberal government which was held responsible for the collapse of the Argentine economy in 2001. Julio Godio in his contribution reconstructs the long prehistory of harmful economic developments which led to a »global crisis« and for Argentine society abruptly ended the myth of a prosperous country entering the First World. If the Kirchner government succeeds in making the transition from a rent-seeking economy to a »working society«, however, the chosen path of »neo-developmentalism« could have a chance.
The US reaction to the Argentine crisis symbolized – according to Mario Carranza – the return of »benign neglect,« which has characterized us policy towards Latin America particularly since September 11, 2001. This observation, however, serves only as the point of departure of his analysis of the power shifts in the asymmetrical triangle formed by USA, Latin America, and Europe. US policy in combination with the increased self-confidence of many Latin American states is creating the conditions for the region’s rapprochement with the European Union. Certainly, for a strategic partnership between Europe and Latin America to materialize, economic conflicts of interest must be overcome which have so far stood in the way of a free trade agreement between the EU and MERCOSUR, the Southern Common Market. In addition, the USA will not be willing to release Latin America from its sphere of influence. The planned pan-American Free Trade Area (FTAA), just like the alternative of individual bilateral agreements, will intensify economic (inter)dependence.
In the war against drugs in the Andes region the usa is pursuing its perceived national interests also with military means, in Colombia in close cooperation with the government. Gerhard Drekonja-Kornat describes the intricate constellation of conflicts as a series of »micro-wars« which are kept going by a flourishing »war economy« and no longer resemble a politically motivated civil war. In common with Godio, however, Drekonja-Kornat’s contribution ends on a cautiously optimistic note: the peace efforts of the war-weary civilian population and the »miracle of Bogotá« – the once slum-ridden metropolis is springing to life as a result of the initiatives of committed local politicians – point to ways out of crisis and violence and towards the possibility that history will give Colombia a »second chance«.
The more the USA withdraws or pursues a tough line based on military intervention the more – as Carranza’s analysis suggests – might expectations arise of a stronger engagement on the part of Europe. Latin America can almost be interpreted as a »test case« for Europe as a »civilian power«. However, is Europe sufficiently prepared to take up this role? Maxime Lefebvre examines Europe’s foreign policy capability and comes to a skeptical conclusion. Lefebvre therefore calls for common initiatives from the big member states which, as the »active center«, must give the necessary impetus to a common foreign policy.
Latin America – USA – Europe: Amitai Etzioni assigns these countries and regions – »the West« – a single set of beliefs and values. For a good global society – whose outlines Etzioni traces from a communitarian perspective – however, Western values do not offer an adequate basis. A global societal architecture must be generated by a normative synthesis of the key values of the »West« and the »East«. It must combine respect for individual autonomy with a commitment to the common good and social order. This may be achieved by mutual learning, that is, the »good« society will be the outcome of a dialogue – rather than a clash – of civilizations.
However, the West is not only being asked to substitute, at the international level, exchange and dialogue for a policy of exporting values. Western countries are also being admonished to achieve a proper balance between freedom and social order, rights and duties, and individualism and solidarity in their own societies. In this sense the protest movements in the USA, Europe, and Latin America which criticize the liberal model – or at least its excesses and so-called »collateral damage« – confirm that the »end of history« has not been reached even in the West and the question »What kind of society do we want to live in?« has not been answered conclusively. Given the manifold tentative steps and reform efforts in Latin America the region could perhaps become a laboratory which generates new, constructive solutions and balanced answers to these challenges.
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