Chairman of the State Integration Council of North Rhine-Westphalia, Tayfun Keltek, and the council’s Chief Executive, Engin Sakal, underscore the failure of politics to engage with people with an immigration background. Granting citizens from third countries the right to vote in local elections would not only benefit local democracy, it would also strengthen people’s sense of belonging, which is essential for harmonious coexistence.

Voter turnout among German citizens with an immigration background is frequently below that of the majority population. What do you see as the reasons for this gap in participation?

There are many different reasons for this. People often don’t feel as though they are being adequately addressed and represented. Their wishes and concerns rarely feature in political party programmes. Similarly, they’re not automatically considered an integral part of society; they belong in media discourses and discussions, but they aren’t one of “us”. More often than not they are perceived as the cause of problems in society and are constantly under pressure to integrate. And all the while, their solidarity and sense of belonging are frequently called into question. Reporting on migration is almost invariably negative. The reactions of the democratic political parties to right-wing populist statements tend to be rather muted, with some of the content sometimes even being used in their own political agendas. They fail to fulfil their mission to inform and educate the population – to the detriment of a large section of society. And this attitude is something people with an immigration background observe with great concern. The public is not being enlightened about the importance and value of migration for German society, nor what people with an immigration background contribute day in, day out. Immigrants in fact make up around a quarter of essential workers. Despite this, the general public is evidently not yet aware that Germany cannot do without immigration, not least because of demographic change. 

This is compounded by the fact that the often hybrid identities and multiple senses of belonging of this group are frequently treated with little sensitivity, with sweeping defamatory statements regarding their countries of origin regularly cropping up in populist-leaning election campaigns, for example. So it’s not surprising that many people with an immigration background have the impression that their views are not wanted and that they have no (positive) role to play in society.

In June of this year, Germany’s Nationality Act was reformed. Will this increase political participation among people with an immigration background?

We welcome the long overdue reform of the Nationality Act – with it, an existing injustice has finally been rectified. We expect people to identify more with Germany once they become German citizens. Sociological studies also confirm that an individual’s political interest and sense of belonging tend to improve when they obtain citizenship. However, this won’t happen automatically and it strongly depends on individual experiences as well as public media discourses. Nationalist and racist narratives in particular can jeopardise people’s sense of belonging and with it their political participation.

Foreigners’ right to vote is something that is repeatedly cited in connection with the political participation of immigrants. What is the Integration Council’s position on this?

Citizenship is a key factor in granting select groups certain privileges, or depriving them of the very same. It is often the all-important criterion when it comes to the question of whether social and political participation is even possible. In these times of globalisation and transnationalisation, basing the right to vote exclusively on citizenship is not longer a viable approach. Currently, Germany only allows EU citizens resident in a given municipality to vote in the local elections there. But there are several other European countries – Denmark, Sweden, Great Britain, Ireland, Netherlands – where non-EU nationals have long since had the right to vote in local elections. In Ireland, for instance, the individual’s place of residence determines their right to vote – not their citizenship.

A number of German political parties (the SPD, FDP and the Greens) are also campaigning for an extension of the right to vote in local elections to individuals who have been living in Germany for an extended period. The State Integration Council would very much welcome the right to vote being granted to citizens of third countries. It would have extraordinary benefits for social integration if people could participate in the political process, take responsibility for their municipalities and identify more closely with their place of residence. Local democracy would profit from this enormously.

What measures would you propose to strengthen political participation?

When it comes to fostering the political participation of people with an immigration background, it is vital to address them directly through dedicated public campaigns, and to highlight the importance of their voices. This group have the potential to be natural allies, especially in the fight against right-wing populism, but, so far, election campaigns have largely failed to reach them. It is important to strengthen their interest in political participation and to show them how essential their involvement is for the development of society as a whole. If the democratic political parties had managed to mobilise people with an immigration background, the electoral success of right-wing populists in some regions would not be as significant as it is today.

There are never-ending discussions in the political communication field about whether and how individual target groups can and should be specifically addressed. To what extent is a dedicated approach centred on Germans with an immigration background needed?

First of all, it’s important to point out that Germans with an immigration background are not a homogenous group. Their migration stories, experiences and the way they see themselves are highly heterogeneous. These disparities are not just the result of the different countries of origin but are also related to the individual’s generation, educational pathway and social milieu. A target group-specific approach is therefore generally a good idea here.

Issues such as anti-discrimination on the labour and housing markets, equality of opportunity and education, as well as social participation make far too rare an appearance in party programmes. There is a lack of political solutions to so many issues that concern people with an immigration background – from accommodation for the elderly and childcare to official recognition of foreign qualifications.

Something we consider extremely important and beneficial is to encourage politically active people from families with an international background to stand for election in constituencies with a high share of immigrants. Being aware of the specific challenges their constituents face in their lives, they would have the trust of their voters.

A recent FES study shows that the political attitudes of people with immigration backgrounds sometimes change from one generation to the next. How would you explain this?

Much like with people who have no experience of migration, there are significant intergenerational differences among those with an immigration background, too. Those who have grown up and have been socialised in Germany are found to possess the same or similar dynamics when it comes to political attitudes as any other German resident of a similar age.

Members of the first generations of immigrants, in contrast, tend to have different priorities. They are still more focused on finding their feet in their new society, for instance making a living, learning the language, social inclusion etc. Their capacity for following current affairs tends to be more limited. Members of subsequent generations see themselves as part of society and are therefore more likely to be involved in the issues that have shaped their lives, such as discrimination and racism. However, the main reason is probably the general political polarisation prevalent in Germany and the rest of Europe in the way social debates are conducted today and how political parties deal with the relevant issues.