Who cares about African workers’ rights?

As essential social partners, trade unions must help shape the energy transition in the Global South. Left to governments, the private sector and global capital, the energy transition is likely to result in high social and environmental costs and negatively impact workers in the energy value chains, despite the fact that labour will be vital in driving the transition towards greener economies. Needless to say, history has shown the reluctance of capital to increase labour costs. As such, it is no surprise that the state is unwilling to sacrifice the attractiveness of the mining and energy sector to investors for the sake of workers’ rights and decent working conditions. The surge in demand for critical minerals and renewable energy technologies will drive this process.

Despite the critical role of labour, the recent COP29 in Baku cast doubt on whether the Paris Agreement goals, particularly limiting global heating to 1.5°C, are still achievable. Hard-won concessions such as the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) and the Loss and Damage Fund have been side-lined in favour of financing negotiations, revealing a disturbing trend: labour rights, especially those of trade unions, are increasingly ignored in climate discussions.

While, in Baku, several countries (and investors) stepped up to share the progress made in renewable energy technologies, no one seemed to want to talk about working conditions and the need to advance and protect the rights of the workers mining the critical minerals that are making these technologies a reality. Subtle acknowledgement of the importance of due diligence along energy supply chains was visible in many of the discussions. However, this was not matched with a willingness to take concrete action—such as passing legislation. What was also very clear was an increasing reluctance by many parties to even talk about labour rights—let alone trade union rights—despite the progressive framework presented by the International Labour Organization (ILO) at the »African COP«, COP27, in Egypt. Yet, this is something Africa’s energy transition needs, as rising unemployment, increasing intersectional inequality, a widening energy poverty gap and failing socio-economic policies did not seem to be at the heart of the UNFCCC negotiations. Overall, civil society in general and trade unions in particular appear to be excluded from this platform.

Shaping a Just Energy Transition at the national level: An African perspective

The challenges this exclusion presents at the global level are mirrored at the national level in Africa. Very few African countries have institutionalised social dialogue platforms at the national and sub-regional levels—with trade unions often treated with hostility and mistrust by public and private sector entities alike. This happens despite the fact that they represent the workers who are the economic drivers of Africa’s dual and enclave economies. The failure of the SADC Poverty Observatory and the SADC Engagement Mechanism, for instance, indicates the lack of political will and commitment to genuinely including African states and non-state actors beyond the private sector. Even in countries that have held consultations with trade unions during the course of their energy transitions (e.g. South Africa and Senegal), these have been insufficient. They are tainted by reports on the lack of involvement of trade unions (and CSOs) in strategic planning processes, exclusion from crucial decision-making, and a lack of transparency and accountability. These problems tend to exacerbate the lack of trust among key stakeholders and undermine the rights of workers and the citizenry at large.

What needs to change moving forward?

It is crucial that the role of civil society is properly defined to avoid the mistake made by many member states of failing to recognise trade unions as distinct stakeholders. Trade unions are not civil society organisations. They are one of three social partners (along with the government and the private sector) as set out by the ILO and this must be acknowledged in the current text of UNFCCC outcomes, including the nationally determined contributions (NDCs). This recognition should also extend to identifying stakeholders that need to participate in relevant local, national, regional and global processes. The fundamental rights of trade unions and labour must be understood and must form the basis for their participation in these policy spaces. It is essential that marginalised and vulnerable workers, such as women, workers living and working with disabilities and young people, achieve inclusion within trade union representation. This is a crucial aspect that trade unions must prioritise.

Clear administrative and decision-making authority for meaningful social dialogue

For dialogue to be meaningful, it must be able to influence policy and legislation. This has to be set out from the start. The aim is not to simply have the right stakeholders in attendance but for these multi-stakeholder dialogue platforms to inform action—be that policy or legislative reform. Dialogue cannot be left to the state and the private sector as its ripple effects impact a broader constituency. Social dialogue underpinned by legal and administrative arrangements is vital.

Capacity development is also essential for effective engagement in the transition towards green economies and a just energy transition. This process is inherently technical and requires stakeholders who understand the policy and legislative frameworks needed to effectively protect and advance their constituencies’ interests. African trade unions are no exception; they must develop the necessary skills and capacity to engage meaningfully in these discussions.

Current information about the allocation of climate financing packages for the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JETIP) in South Africa reveals a lack of clarity regarding resources dedicated to capacity development for the participation of trade unions and other civil society organisations. To address this gap, trade unions must improve their skills to gather and analyse information, formulate clear policy and legislative demands, and manage their roles in social dialogue processes. In addition, they must establish effective methods for consulting their constituencies, secure clear mandates for action and develop strong communication strategies to effectively influence public opinion. By investing in these areas, trade unions can play a significant role in shaping a sustainable and equitable energy transition.

Looking to COP30

As COP30 in Brazil approaches, African trade unions must adopt a proactive strategy. Developing an alternative JTWP text that reflects Africa’s labour market realities is crucial. Mobilising young people and leveraging Brazil’s focus on intergenerational equity can reinvigorate union efforts. Pre-COP30 forums and meetings using digital platforms should be utilised to connect workers, coordinate advocacy and step up campaigns globally.

Trade unions must also engage with governments and the African Group of Negotiators to institutionalise social dialogue mechanisms, ensuring their voices are heard in national and regional planning. By investing in capacity-building, embracing intersectionality and forming regional alliances, African trade unions can transform the just energy transition into a movement that prioritises workers’ rights and well-being.

By taking these steps, African trade unions can emerge as powerful change agents, shaping a just and inclusive transition that leaves no worker behind.

What needs to happen now?

Governments and international bodies must explicitly recognise trade unions as social partners, distinct from civil society organisations. This recognition should be reflected in climate policy frameworks, such as the NDCs, to ensure that unions are included in decision-making at all levels. South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JETIP) shows progress in this area, but unions need to have more substantial influence over strategic decisions. Governments must go beyond consultation to ensure trade unions have a seat at the table where policies are shaped.

The legal and administrative structure of social dialogue platforms must provide trade unions with an equal voice alongside governments and businesses. These dialogues should be transparent and impactful, with clear mandates to influence policies and legislation. Senegal has initiated some dialogue mechanisms, but their effectiveness is limited by exclusionary practices. African governments should draw lessons from regional models that have successfully institutionalised inclusive dialogues, such as Norway’s tripartite model of governance.

Effective engagement in green economy discussions requires specialised skills, which is something many unions currently lack. Capacity-building programmes should focus on helping trade unions to understand complex climate finance mechanisms such as the Loss and Damage Fund, analyse data to develop evidence-based policy proposals and communicate effectively with stakeholders and the public. Digital tools can play a pivotal role in these efforts. For example, union-run apps can disseminate policy updates, coordinate actions and engage their members in real time. Partnerships should be developed with organisations that can deliver tailored training for African trade union leaders, enabling them to navigate climate policy discussions confidently and advocate effectively.

Trade unions must prioritise grassroots mobilisation and advocacy to build a strong foundation for collective action. This includes engaging marginalised workers, such as those in informal mining or domestic work, to make sure their voices are heard in the transition process; running youth campaigns that connect climate advocacy with employment opportunities for young workers; and developing robust media campaigns to influence public opinion, highlighting worker struggles and successes in navigating the energy transition.

Trade unions must integrate gender-transformative approaches into their energy transition strategies. COP29’s decision on gender equity provides a foundation for unions to analyse the impact of climate policies on women and other vulnerable groups. Union leadership should also reflect the diversity of their constituencies, including women, young people, informal workers and workers with disabilities. Mapping gender disparities in renewable energy job distribution can help unions advocate for inclusive policies that address the specific needs of women workers.

African trade unions must overcome their fragmentation by forming strong regional alliances to pool resources, share expertise and present unified positions at global forums. The Southern African Trade Union Coordination Council (SATUCC), for example, could lead coordinated campaigns for equitable climate finance in SADC countries, setting a precedent for broader pan-African cooperation.

Documenting and replicating successful trade union interventions can inspire progress across the continent. For example, South Africa’s JETIP demonstrates how unions can secure commitments to socially inclusive energy transitions. Trade unions should develop toolkits to share best practices and guide others in engaging effectively with policymakers.

Climate finance packages often overlook funding for trade union capacity-building. Trade unions should advocate for clear allocations within programmes such as the JETIP to support worker-focused initiatives, including retraining programmes and grassroots mobilisation efforts. Lobbying for the inclusion of dedicated capacity-building resources in the Loss and Damage Fund can ensure that unions are prepared to navigate the complexities of green financing.