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Women and Gender Equity

 

These materials will help unions that are serious about building power for workers in the labour markets of the 21st century to integrate the gender dimension into their analytical toolkit, policies and practice.

Using the Power Resources approach, we present political arguments, analytical and methodological instruments and examples from the field of practice that may inspire you to pursue a transformation of your trade union towards more gender equality – in your unions as well as in society.

In these materials, the words women and female are intended to be used in an expansive manner to include the spectrum of non-binary gender expressions, with the invitation to unions to take up the additional work that must be done for our labour movements to fully organise and represent workers of all genders and gender identities.  

We use the term trade union in a non-exclusive manner. While our focus is on trade unions as the dominant form of organisation for workers we cooperate with, we acknowledge the existence of other forms of workers' organisations to which our framework can equally be applied and with whom cooperation can and should be sought.

These materials are excerpted from “Power resources with a gender perspective: A way to transform trade union practice towards more equality”, by Didice Godinho Delgado and Mirko Herberg (FES internal paper, can be requested at unionstransform(at)fes.de)
 


Power resources gendered

Rapid changes taking place in the world of labour are forcing trade unions and workers’ organisations to transform themselves in various ways, for instance by:

  1. broadening their perspective beyond the "classical" formal economy, incorporating the modalities of outsourced, flexible and precarious labour relations, as well as striving to find strategies to respond to situations faced by workers in the informal economy;
     
  2. reviewing the concept of work to include not only paid work, but also unpaid work (like care and domestic work in the family), which is mainly performed by women. Paid work and unpaid work are two inseparable sides of the same coin, ensuring the economic, social and political functioning of capitalist society and its reproduction;
     
  3. embracing the social struggles above and beyond the demands of a purely labour-related horizon, viewing workers as full-fledged citizens: in their workplace, community and in their family environment, as members of unions and as participants in other areas of social life. This encompasses areas such as housing, education, health and reproductive rights, care as well as sustainability and the environment;
     
  4. considering the working class in its heterogeneity. The assumption that the working class is homogeneous is now considered to be outmoded. The categories of class, gender, religion, caste, age, sexual orientation, disability and race/ethnicity are essential to understanding the life and work experiences of working women and men, as well as to reveal the various ways in which capitalist exploitation takes place. Equally, it is impossible to disregard the impact that the migrant or non-migrant origin of workers has on their participation in the labour market and on their living conditions.
    The notion of intersectionality developed by Kimberlé Krenshaw, still little known in the union movement, posits that discrimination based on class, gender, race, ethnicity, as well as factors such as age, nationality, sexual orientation and disability are simultaneously at work, defining and "formatting" people's lives and work experiences, and thus also warrant our attention. By failing to understand these aspects, we contribute to a widening of existing gaps. Additional information on intersectionality can be found in the Tool Kit section Structural Discrimination, Intersectionality and Implicit Bias.

In short, building workers and trade union power requires broadening the vision of who workers are in their entirety, deciphering the ways in which human labour is exploited, and reconciling complexities and contradictions in order to devise strategies for collective action by workers. From this starting point, the following questions may be asked for a gendered analysis of the different power resources.

 

Power resources are connected to one other. When the union analyses the structural power resources linked to a given situation and considers how this situation affects gender equality, it is more likely to spell out strategies with which to tackle the problem in a comprehensive, all- embracing manner. Including how female workers are affected because of their gender status is likely to increase union membership and/or active involvement in the struggle, bringing about an expansion of associational power at the union's disposal.

In addition to strengthening its associational power, the union may improve its image among other social actors. It can enhance its attractiveness and the likelihood of establishing alliances with social movements and other citizens’ initiatives to defend the workers’ and women's rights agenda and to combat other forms of discrimination, such as racism and homophobia, within society. It can thus expand its societal power.

As a consequence, the joint and articulated action of several societal players may favour the expansion of institutional power resources by winning rights through collective bargaining or policy-decisions by municipal councils, parliaments and/or public authorities.

This dynamic has been observed to originate internally. Organised female workers can pressure the union to analyse the economic sector (structural power) in terms of the heterogeneity of workers and on this basis construct an expanded power agenda by considering the gender perspective as well as integrating women as an active element of union life (associational power).


Why is the union strengthened by taking up the fight for equality between men and women?

Female work is an integral part of the exploitation that takes place within the working class as a whole in capitalism. One illustrative example of this is as follows: the gender pay gap does not put anything into the pockets of a working man, instead remaining with capital. Whenever the union fights discrimination and inequalities based on gender, it fights to defend the interests and rights of workers of all genders.

Female workers of all ages are more motivated to join the union and mobilise for collective action when they realise that the problems and discrimination they face at the workplace are taken seriously and that proposals for action are developed to solve these problems.

Organised female workers involve women's experiences in the trade union, encouraging it to incorporate their interests in its agenda. When women are involved in the political debate and the working structure of the trade union, it becomes more representative and democratic, increasing its associational power. However, this equation is only valid if its integration is real and effective, and not merely lip-service.

Coexistence between trade unionists of different genders stimulates cultural change, and can foster and encourage greater respect, companionship and political development both individually and collectively, particularly when combined with structural changes in the union. Trade unionists who are reluctant to accept the active involvement of women are confronted with their traditionalist ways of thinking and have the chance to rethink and abandon their prejudices.

 

The example of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) in Brazil proves the point. Ten years after the CUT adopted a minimum quota of 30% female participation in decision-making bodies in 1993, several male and female trade unionists who had voted against the measure admitted that they had changed their minds over the years because they had witnessed how the CUT benefited from the cooperation between men and women which had been established thanks to adoption of the quota (CUT 2003).

The greater participation of women, if it is real and not just window-dressing, contributes to changing the image of trade unions as formerly macho/sexist institutions, "men's clubs" where women only are only involved as a "manoeuvring mass".

The organisation of female workers and the adoption of a policy with a gender perspective can promote the creation of a renewed and expanded profile for the union or the labour movement, in which intersectionality is recognised. With this broader vision, the trade union can develop ways of combating the various forms of discrimination experienced by women and men at the grassroots, as well as in society. In this way, the union increases its associational and its societal power.

By winning rights through collective agreements and negotiations at the workplace, as well as by intervening to extend legal and institutional measures promoting gender equality, the trade union strengthens its institutional power on the one hand, while on the other obtaining legitimacy in the eyes of female workers and also strengthening the trade union's associational power.

By exposing the inseparable links between working conditions and living conditions - which are usually more readily evident in the daily lives of female workers due to the pressure they have to cope with in combining paid work with family and domestic responsibilities - the union extends its scope of action beyond the workplace. When addressing women's three-fold responsibilities (paid and unpaid work combined with trade union participation), the union becomes more attractive to female workers and more conducive to the fight for social rights and women's rights, while perceiving female workers as citizens, thereby also expanding its associational and societal power.

What gender inequities exist in the company, industry, or sector?

What gender inequities exist in the union?

In your situation, how does the fight for gender equity strengthen the union?

Review the Tool Box materials on Discrimination, Equity and Inclusion, which contain information on key concepts such as intersectionality, systemic discrimination, silence and implicit bias.

Identify and discuss an example of each of the following three types of gender inequality that you have seen or experienced at work, in the union, or in society.

  • Individual
  • Institutional
  • Structural

What racial/ethnic groups of women workers are underrepresented in the union and how are they impacted by gender inequality?

Identify and discuss how implicit bias and silence reinforce gender inequality in the union.

What can be done?

The power resources approach attaches great importance to workers and trade union action in the face of a concrete problem/conflict: what are the power resources available and which are the most appropriate strategies to address the specific situation at the workplace? This approach can also be used to analyse internal situations in trade union life, such as, for example, the deficit in the integration of female workers and absence of a systematic and permanent gender equality policy. This facilitates a better understanding of a union’s power resources. Here are a few tips:


Seeing the world of work also from a gender perspective

There are a variety of tools and methods available:

  • to carry out interviews and surveys amongst workers to find out how they perceive their working and living conditions and what their demands are in order to determine which issues the trade union needs to address: questions regarding life-work-balance, sexual harassment, training and career-development opportunities, whether child-care resources are available or not, discrimination experienced at the workplace, etc., all need to be included. The Participatory Action Research materials can be used to conduct such interviews.
  • to research the impact of a conflict on workers by gender (with attention to workers who are at the intersections of race/ethnic and gender or other discrimination), and propose solutions and spell out action strategies on that basis;
  • to become familiar with studies and research related to the sexual division of labour, especially in the economic sector represented by the union seeking external support, e.g. from researchers at universities and research centres;
  • to take into account gender equality indicators, as part of the methodological tools that trade union's own research department or their external consultancy adopt to analyse the labour market and labour conditions and relations. Sex-disaggregated data and data on the gender pay gap, economic segregation by gender, equal or unequal access to training and career development, discriminatory aspects of recruitment policy, as well as how gender demands are forwarded or not in collective bargaining, must be collected and integrated in the analysis of the economic sector;
  • to analyse the impact of changes in the labour process (e.g. introduction of new technology) or organisational restructuring with an explicit gender perspective;
  • to include an analysis of the world of work with a gender perspective in trade union training policy (see the section devoted to this below).

 

Can you become more informed and develop relationships with women workers using the Participatory Action Research materials?

What are the levels of women’s membership in and active participation in the union? How do women participate in decision-making, including policy formation? Is the union responsive to the needs of workers of different genders, identities and interests?

What is women’s vision of the union and what obstacles are there to their participation? How does this vary for young women? Women who are underrepresented by race/ethnicity, religion, caste or migration status?

What is the presence female workers in the union and sector? What are their qualifications, salary levels and career paths?

How does unpaid work (care and domestic work in the family) negatively impact conditions and opportunities facing women at the workplace?

What impact does the withdrawal of labour have?

What additional research, information, and statistics will you need to gather?

What outside organisations, movements or researchers can contribute to women’s equity work in the union?


Building a strong, cohesive, well-structured, and permanent women's self- organisation

The self-organisation of women within unions and workers associations is a key component of associational power and has been the main driving force behind the achievement of more equality at the workplace and in trade unions themselves. A women's organisation is one aspect of power relations in trade unions: it is not supposed to be a "conceded" space to keep women quiet, but rather a result of the struggle working women engage in to encourage visibility and influence in trade union life and to make it more democratic. By acting in an organised manner and sharing the same objectives, female workers are empowered to face unequal power relations, build real power to negotiate greater space for political participation, aggrandise more tools to remove the many barriers hindering their full integration, and to achieve real changes in the union structure to facilitate their integration in it.

It is important to analyse the reality of each union and how gender power relations are played out - which as a rule is in a manner less favourable for women - and act upon it. What can be done?

Women's leaders need to be allocated resources and space to develop strategies which may include:

  • becoming well acquainted with male and female participation in the economic sector;
  • identifying union membership and active participation of female workers, their vision of the union, and obstacles to their participation;
  • becoming associated in organisational form (committees, commissions, secretariats, etc., depending upon the union);
  • acting as a network, maintaining and improving channels of contact and collective work;
  • strengthening internal cohesion and collective identity of the group (e.g. by providing informal space - outside the union structure - for interaction and debate);
  • seeking reference examples from successful experiences in connection with women's trade union organisation and the feminist debate;
  • strengthening women (self-esteem, unity of action, etc.) through mentoring programmes and actions which establish connections with the working and family lives of female workers;
  • defining strategies to negotiate political space and infrastructural resources for the organisation of women with decision-making bodies;
  • approaching male and female trade unionists who are resisting the organisation of women, mapping out the reasons for their position and seeking alternatives to deal with them, investing in the forging of alliances. The wider the circle of alliances, the greater the chances of progress being made in the process of union transformation towards more equality;
  • mapping out new female workers of all ages to integrate them into the organisation;
  • mapping out institutional power resources that are available and developing proposals to intervene in collective bargaining and negotiations at the workplace, as well as in the institutional and legal spheres. The self-organisation of women is an important factor in promoting the inclusion of female workers' demands in collective bargaining, as well as exerting pressure in order to ensure female trade unionists’ participation at negotiation tables;
  • mapping out possible external support (from organisations promoting international cooperation, gender and labour researchers, women's movements, etc.), which can also contribute to the debate within the trade union on gender equality/unequal treatment and other forms of discrimination;
  • acting within structures (assemblies, congresses, meetings, decision-making bodies) to bring about transformations in the structures of decision-making and functioning, as well as in political relations and daily practice;
  • supporting women when they stand for elections.

 

What spaces for self-organisation of women exist in the union?

What ways do women work together and communicate?

(Examples: Women’s committees, commissions, secretariats, conferences, house meetings, social events, educational sessions and trainings, mentoring, networks, …)

What is needed to build strong, cohesive, well-structures and permanent women’s self-organisation? What material and political support is needed?

Is there a gender equality policy developed with, and focused on, the effective participation of women, or is it a rhetorical construct which is not truly implemented?

What union structures (assemblies, congresses, meetings, decision-making bodies) will you need to approach and what can they contribute? How can you build alliances? What opposition might you encounter? What political space or mandates and resources need to be negotiated?

What support is and can be given to women standing for union election?

What spaces for self-organisation of underrepresented groups of women (by age, racial/ethnic identities, sexual orientation, religion, disability, …) exist in the union and in women’s spaces in the union? How effective are these spaces? What is needed to build strong, cohesive, well-resourced structures and permanent self-organisation of underrepresented women workers? What material and political support is needed? What support is and can be given to young workers standing for union election?

These are strategies for promoting women's empowerment, but it is clear that improving women's participation and building gender equality in the union is not solely the responsibility of women. Women's self-organisation puts pressure on trade union leadership as a whole to support transformative change in union structures, policies and culture and fully integrate gender equality issue and perspectives in trade union policies and activities.


Achieving balanced gender participation in executive bodies

According to the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) Gender Equality Survey 2017 (2018), conducted at 81.5% of all member organisations, women on average make up 42.4% of all members. Their average representation rate in the highest union decision-making bodies is only 28 per cent, however, with 7 per cent of top leadership posts being held by women. Trade unions characterising themselves as progressive and democratic are only truly so to the extent that they invest in overcoming this deficit within their own structure.

The adoption of firmly enforced minimum quotas of participation for women and parity in decision-making bodies has been the most effective way to overcome this imbalance. The strategy described here is based on the experience of CUT Brazil both in the victorious campaigns for the adoption of a minimum quota of 30% of female participation in its decision-making bodies, approved in 1993, and of parity in the same bodies, approved in 2012.

There is a need to analyse the reality of each trade union with regard to women's and men's participation in decision-making bodies. In the event of disparities, it is necessary to identify the factors that lead to such as well as the power resources available to rectify them, and finally to spell out a political strategy to overcome inequalities.

 

 In general terms, a policy strategy involves:

  •  defining and justifying the desired proposal (quota, parity or other mechanism?);
  • developing arguments for and against the proposal;
  • awareness of successful experiences and learning from these;
  • propagating and debating the proposal widely, explaining the reasons for its defence, openly enriching the debate with opposing positions;
  • mapping out the internal political forces with which the proposal will be negotiated;
  • drawing up a negotiating strategy (who negotiates with whom, how to negotiate, etc.) and carrying out the negotiations;
  • seeking internal alliances (trade unionists and trade union base) and external ones (individuals/institutions outside the trade union whose support helps to create a favourable environment for the proposal);
  • submitting the proposal for debate and voting in the decision-making forums of the union structure, since its formal integration into the functioning structure of the union depends on approval in these forums;
  • if successful, quotas or parity should be applied at all levels, enshrined in the trade union constitution and become a reality in actual practice with a solid policy and training programme for gender equality;
  • not giving up in the face of defeat, but evaluating the process developed and redefining the strategies to further pursue the goal.
  • carrying out an annual or bi-annual survey on women’s representation in unions to check what progress has been made/ not made, what the challenges/ barriers are and discuss with the leadership/unions how to overcome them.


It is not enough to adopt mechanisms to reduce disparities, such as quotas or parity, but then to continue to reproduce such obstacles to the full participation of women, such as, for example, only assigning female trade unionists to positions of little political relevance, disqualifying the speeches of and proposals by female leaders, boycotting resources for female workers' organisation and gender equality policy, failing to seek changes in union practices which impede women's participation (such as when meetings are planned during the evening or in unsafe areas, or are scheduled to last for several days, requiring overnight stay, etc.), or reproducing gender stereotypes in trade union's life. To counter such attempts at manipulation, a strong women`s organisation is essential, as are alliances with male leaders who are truly democratic.

How does the percentage of female workers in the union or workforce compare to women’s participation in decision-making bodies of the union?

How many top leadership posts are held by women?

What would be the best proposal to fix gender inequities in the union? (quota, parity or other mechanism …)

What can you learn about successful experiences correcting gender inequities in other unions?

How can you encourage debate and discussion around the proposal? What arguments will be used for and against? Who are potential allies and opponents?

What decision-making forums in the union will debate and vote on the proposal?

How can you ensure that the quotas or parity proposal will be applied at all levels of the union and enshrined in the union constitution, union policy and union training programmes?

How and when will progress be evaluated?

What challenges and barriers may arise and how can they be overcome?


Campaigning and Organising

Campaigns are an important tool with which to lend visibility to a given topic, to mobilise workers around it and to achieve desired objectives through constructing a narrative and pressuring decision-makers. It combines using and building associational, structural and societal power and may lead to enhanced institutional power (through collective bargaining agreements, public policies, etc.). The Campaigning and Organising section of the Tool Kit will be useful if there is a need to pressure an employer or decision-maker to meet gender equity demands.

For our purpose of "gendering" power resources, there are two main ways of approaching campaigns:

1) Explicitly addressing issues on the gender equality agenda (childcare, sexual harassment at the workplace, equal pay for work of equal value, domestic violence, etc.);

2) Mainstreaming gender in supposedly gender-neutral campaigns (unionising efforts; workers’ rights, health and safety, company-centred).

In both cases, it is important for campaigns to be designed and carried out by women and men – in all phases, from analysis, defining objectives, planning and executing, organising and mobilising, media work, evaluation, etc. This increases the chances of success, because internally it mobilises the union's grassroots in a more comprehensive manner, and externally because it becomes an issue for a broader spectrum of society.

The 2019 campaign by the global labour movement to adopt a new International Labor Organisation (ILO) convention against gender-based violence and harassment in the world of work is a good example. First, it was initiated with an explicit focus on gender-based violence, making the situation of women the starting point in the campaign. Broadening the discourse to eventually include violence against all workers has contributed to making this an issue which has mobilised men to join in the campaign. Secondly, the campaign went beyond the workplace, reaching into the daily realities of workers and positing that "the workplace can also play a key role in supporting victims of domestic violence to stay in the job and to have the financial security and independence to enable them to leave abusive relationships."

Hence, the working woman is seen in her simultaneous and inseparable use as paid labour and in family relations. Thus, proper analyses provided the ground for a broad mobilisation of the entire trade union family (associational power) while constructing a narrative and building alliances with women’s movements and an advocacy strategy with which to win support from governments and employers, which in the end ensured success with ILO Convention 190 against gender-based violence and harassment at work.

Campaigns are not restricted to trade unions in the formal economy, but also involve the worker base of the informal economy and/or other employment relationships, depending on the respective context. An example is the global campaign for adoption of the ILO Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (No. 189/2011), which is aimed at workers (with females forming the vast majority) who do not have guaranteed labour rights in most countries.

 

How can women workers be organised to become members in and/or increase their participation in the union?

Are there “gender-neutral” campaigns that can be improved with a gender focus, such as unionising efforts, workers’ rights, health and safety…?

Are there current organising campaigns that explicitly address issues on the gender equality agenda such as childcare, sexual harassment at the workplace, equal pay for work of equal value, domestic and gender-based violence, …?

Do women fully participate in the formulation of union demands and gender equality issues in the collective bargaining agenda and in the collective bargaining process?

How can women’s participation and women’s demands be increased at the workplace, in lobbying and in the union’s institutional and legal work (tripartite commissions, salary councils, social security bodies, …)?

What laws, rules, regulations, and collective agreements exist that impact male and female workers differently in the struggle to assert their interests?


Trade Union Training

Inclusion of the gender perspective in trade union training policy – from its conception to its implementation – is an element in building associational power. It is essential for various reasons:

  • trade unionists can understand the world of work and social relations in capitalist society while taking into account gender relations and the sexual division of labour;
  • it provides trade unionists with new tools with which to recognise power resources and develop trade union strategies for action;
  • men and women can become more aware of their rights in a way in which women's and gender equal rights are incorporated as an inseparable dimension and, as a consequence, both can fight more effectively for these rights;
  • it contributes to a cultural change in favour of gender equality and the elimination of stereotypes and prejudices.

Training as well as other areas of trade union policy also offer a space for power struggles, however. Therefore, designing training programmes from a gender perspective can be a focal point for conflict, the outcome of which is unequal according to the power relations in force in each union. Some experiences show that this inclusion takes place in a merely formal, bureaucratic way, while sometimes it is limited to addressing only a few isolated topics and does not cover the entire concept of trade union training. One aim and objective in this is to formulate a trade union training policy analysing unequal social relations of class, race, gender and how these are expressed in the world of work and society to serve as one of the cornerstones for developing trade union action strategies.

Connected to the content are the rules and practice that ensure women’s participation in the entire training programme as well as male participation in topics on the feminist agenda. Finally, taking part in training programmes can help stimulate women to take on leadership functions.

How can gender be incorporated into trade union training?

  • Gender becomes one of the cornerstones in the analysis of general topics in the training programme (labour concept, economic and political situation, labour market, changes in the world of work, history of the trade union movement, collective bargaining, etc.).
  • Topics from the feminist agenda are part of the programme (violence against women, sexual and reproductive rights, history of women's struggles, etc.).
  • A training team on gender equality is set up and external support is sought through alliances with experts in the field.
  • Participatory methodologies are adopted which favour the expression and reflection of participants regarding their own reality and stimulate an exchange on, and debate over, ideas. More conventional formats are also used (e.g. exhibition on a topic, round tables, etc.), preserving the space for discussion with participants.

Currently there is a variety of material on gender equality accessible on the Internet which can be useful in developing training activities. Many films, for example, can help address the contradictory relationship between trade unionism and gender relations, and these can also be analysed in terms of the power resources involved, depending on how the described situations are to be confronted. Some of these resources are listed at the end of this chapter.

 

Is a gender perspective included in union training materials and programmes on the world of work and political economy, health and safety, labour history, informal worker organising and other such “mainstream” union topics?

Does union training include education about gender equity and the elimination of stereotypes and discrimination? Are feminist topics such as sexual and reproductive rights, violence and harassment of women, and the histories of women movements included?

Are participatory training methodologies used that draw on the realities of workers´ experiences, knowledge, and contributions?

How many women currently participate in and lead union training? How can this be improved?

When union training or events are focused on issues of gender equity, do all trade union members attend or only women?

What opposition might there be to the inclusion of a gender perspective to union training materials and programmes? What allies might there be? What obstacles might be faced and how will you overcome them?


Alliances between unions and women's and feminist movements

Is it possible to establish alliances between trade unions and women’s and feminist movements? Yes, it is possible and desirable, and there are practical examples of joint struggles. Women's and feminist movements carry on a struggle over topics of interest to female workers as citizens: against violence perpetrated on women, for women's economic autonomy and against poverty, for sexual and reproductive rights, for care policy (childcare, care for the elderly, sick family members and people with disabilities), amongst other things.

Such alliances are not very common, however. Feminism has been incorporated by many female workers and union activists. Nevertheless, a strained relationship still prevails between the trade union movement and women's and feminist movements. In several areas of trade unionism, feminism is rejected out of hand due to prejudices and stereotypical views. In organisations with a predominantly male tradition and rigid power structures, many trade unionists regard feminism, which advocates the elimination of unequal power relations between men and women, as a threat. There are also female trade unionists who have not yet understood what feminism is about and reject it. In the women's and feminist movements, there is a prevailing view that unions are hopelessly macho, even when experience shows that in many trade union entities there is a solid organisation of women and openly feminist trade unionists.

Building new modalities for relationships and forging alliances pose a challenge. There are positive experiences serving as a nexus where feminist and class struggles converge and reinforce one other. Given the fact that each society has had a different experience and history regarding trade unionism and women's and feminist movements, it is necessary to analyse common interests and possibilities for alliances in each reality. In the majority of unions, this process is unlikely to take place without internal conflict due to the aforementioned prejudices and resistance to women's struggle for autonomy and equality. But feminist struggles around the world have strengthened, with each country exhibiting its own specific form, while in many cases female trade unionists actively take part in these struggles and press their trade unions to support them.

In many countries, national trade unions' confederations have engaged in the fight for the legalisation of abortion, like Central de Trabajadores Autónoma (CTA-Autónoma) de Argentina, CUT in Brazil, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) in Ireland, and PIT-CNT in Uruguay; in many cases, female trade unionists are involved in this struggle, independently of any formal position of their trade unions. As mentioned before, the fight against violence against women has been integrated into trade unions' agenda.

The alliance between trade unionism and feminism strengthens defence of the feminist agenda in society, the achievements of which are enjoyed by female workers, while propagating the reality of workplaces to other areas of society and possibly stimulating changes in trade unions through the influence of feminist achievements. It also positively influences the image of trade unions, which, by being seen as societal actors committed to the struggle for women's rights, and hence as progressive and open-minded, experience a growth in their societal power. This experience also stimulates internal debates over how themes on the feminist agenda are an element in all workers' lives, and sheds lights on dimensions of these lives which trade unions are not always aware of, helping them to expand their own agenda.

 

Does the union consider the struggle for women’s rights and gender equality to be relevant? Does the union support the struggle and publicly advocate for women’s rights?

What issues does the union advocate for that go above and beyond traditional union concerns and impact the personal working and social lives of workers?

What women’s and feminist movements and organisations can the union establish alliances with?


Methodological tools

This section presents some suggestions regarding methodological tools which may be useful in the task of identifying and analysing power resources employing a gender perspective.

Vertical mapping. This is a useful tool with which to identify and evaluate the power resources available to address a given problem/challenge, through the visualisation of allied and opposing actors (individual and institutional) and their levels of power relative to the objective that the group aims to achieve. This is a step prior to developing the action strategy. It can be effective for female trade unionists who want to structure the self-organisation of women; in designing a campaign aimed at increasing the presence of women in decision-making bodies; in designing a strategy to deal with a problem women may be facing at the workplace, among other examples. The materials on Vertical Mapping and Targets and Allies in the materials on “Campaigning and Organising” will be helpful.

Group work. There are countless possibilities for setting up working groups to discuss different aspects of a given problem from a gender perspective. These include the creation of mixed gender groups to reflect upon the power resources available to address a given problem; and separate groups to discuss possible discrepancies between the analysis and proposals for solutions.

Role-play exercises. This technique encourages men and women to describe the image they have of themselves and one another, bringing out the points of tension between them in concrete situations. It can be used to address gender roles in social life and particularly in trade unions. When used to debate the issue of collective bargaining, for example, it helps to detect how each group perceives the extent to which the interests of female workers and gender issues are incorporated into the demands agenda and how much weight is assigned to them during negotiations. At the end of the exercise, there are elements that help both to identify power resources as well as to develop strategies to face/overcome tensions and formulate common projects.

Case studies. Trade unionists are presented with problems (real or fictitious) experienced at the workplace or in trade union dynamics, for the solution of which they must identify available power resources and propose strategies.

Learning from other experiences. Getting to know existing and ongoing experiences relating to women's organisation and how female trade unionists deal with problems and challenges to achieving gender equality in their unions is an excellent resource with which to motivate, nourish and question one's own experience, as well as to expand the alternative strategies that can be adopted. This learning process takes place by means of activities involving trade unionists of various origins, promoted by various trade union organisations and allies at local, regional, and global levels, as well as access to available reports and studies.

Advice from specialists in gender, labour, and trade union issues. Inviting experts to perform activities (debates, seminars, round tables, workshops, etc.) within the union not only fulfils the purpose of seeking/transmitting useful information and knowledge on the subject at hand, but also having reluctant trade unionists assess the analysis using a gender perspective. It also allows for the expansion of cooperation channels (alliances) between specialists and trade unions.

Mentoring programme for young trade unionists. This involves pairing off more experienced with younger trade unionists to compare experience and encourage the integration of young women into trade union life. It is an initiative of UNI Global Union (http://en.uni- iwd.org/mentoring/) which can be adapted to any workers' organisation.

How to build a trade union policy with gender equality and void of discrimination.

Material with practical suggestions on how to achieve more gender equality in the structure and power relations of trade unions is available on websites of the ITUC and its regional organisations, global trade unions and some national trade union umbrella organisations.

 


Concluding remarks

Equal participation and shared power between men and women in trade unions is a goal which has yet to be achieved. Admittedly, the clear advances achieved over the last 30 years have made female workers visible and have led to concrete transformations in the international trade union landscape resulting in greater female representation than before. But barriers to full equality remain in force, arising from the persistence of the sexual division of labour and unequal gender relations in society, as well as from macho union practices blocking the integration of female workers. Investing to overcome these obstacles is the task of all people and institutions committed to democracy and social transformation.

Trade unionism faces the challenge of finding organisational responses to the drastic changes taking place in the world of work. Women are more likely than men to work in lower-skilled and more vulnerable occupations, such as domestic work and family work in agriculture, and they are more likely than men to engage in informal employment in most countries of the Global South according to a 2019 report from the ILO. Care work also remains a female responsibility; as paid work in the labour market it is undervalued social and economically, while as unpaid work in the family it means a work overload for women. Gender discrimination is exacerbated when it so often intersects with discrimination by race and ethnicity. Certainly, the unions are not alone in responding to this reality, but they need to integrate it properly as part of their policy. Forms of organisation have emerged around workers in the informal economy which differ from trade unions in terms of their structure and modalities of action, at the same time as they undergo transformation, creating a new process still in full swing, where creativity in defining strategies and alliances around common struggles are necessary to confront globalised capitalism.

The power resources approach applied with a gender perspective offers a tool for unions to improve their performance in the light of situations faced in capital-labour relations. At the same time, the challenge is even more wide-ranging: recognising gender-based discrimination affecting the working class and barriers to full trade union participation for women while pursuing strategies to overcome these - in other words, adoption of a gender equality policy - are mandatory criteria for any process of transformation or even the very survival of unions.

Strategic Planning. Once you have determined what specific area(s) of a gender equity you want to focus on, you may want to proceed to create a Strategic Plan for gender equity. As outlined in the “Strategic Planning” materials, you will need to ensure a mandate from the union organisational structures and leadership, form a core committee to drive the process, and move forward to create a strategic plan.

Organising Campaigns. If you are ready to pressure an employer or decision-maker on a gender/equity issue or organise women workers, you will find the section on Campaigning and Organising useful.

 


Additional Resources

Godinho Delgado, Didice. 2017. Building Trade Union Power with Gender Equality: The Case of the Unified Workers Central of Brazil.
https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/13794.pdf

The campaign supporting the adoption of an International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention and a Recommendation on violence and harassment in the world of work, focusing on gender-based violence
https://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/html/gbv_newsletter_5_en.html

The ITUC campaign toolkit is available at:
https://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/tool_kits_en_2018_final-2.pdf

ITUC. 2019. This international Women's Day, let's call time on gender-based violence:
https://www.ituc-csi.org/IWD2019-EN

The global campaign for the approval of the ILO Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (No. 189/2011), was aimed at workers (with females forming the vast majority) who do not have guaranteed labour rights in most countries. The campaign was led by the International Domestic Workers’ Network (IDWN).
https://www.wiego.org/campaign-domestic-workers-convention.

Britwum, Akua O./Ledwith, Sue (2014) Visibility and Voice for Union Women: country case studies from Global Labour University researches. Rainer Hampp Verlag, München. - relates experience organising female workers in different countries

European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) (2019) Annual Gender Equality Survey - provides a current overview of women's participation in European trade unionism.
https://www.etuc.org/en/circular/etuc-annual-gender-equality-survey-2019

Godinho Delgado (2009) synthesises experience in Latin American countries (in Spanish)
https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/uruguay/06532.pdf

International Trade Union Confederation-ITUC (2018) Count us in! Women leading change. Equal Times. Special Report - presents the results of the global campaign “Count Us In!”, presenting examples from around the world.
https://www.equaltimes.org/IMG/pdf/women_in_leadership_en_final.pdf

 

Annex 1: Recommended Films

Norma Rae (USA, 1979)
Director: Martin Ritt
Starring: Sally Field, Beau Bridges, Ron Leibman
A young woman is working at a textile factory under very bad working conditions. She joins the trade union and is confronted with conflicts with employees, her family and male trade unionists.

North Country (USA, 2005)
Director: Niki Caro
Starring: Charlize Theron, Jeremy Renner, Frances McDormand
Based on the true story of the first successful sexual harassment case in the United States. Returning to her hometown, Josey Aimes starts working at a mine and faces abuse from her co-workers. In lieu of any support from employees and the trade union, she takes legal action.

Bread and roses (United Kingdom, Spain, Germany and Switzerland, 2000)
Director: Ken Loach
Starring: Pilar Padilla, Adrien Brody, Elpidia Carrillo
In Los Angeles, two Latino sisters are working as cleaners in a downtown office building under poor working conditions. They fight for the right to unionise and are subjected to all kinds of threats, including extradition.

Made in Dagenham (United Kingdom, 2010)
Director: Nigel Cole
Starring: Sally Hawkins, Bob Hoskins, Rosamund Pike, Miranda Richardson
Based on a true story. In 1968, female sewing machinists at the Ford factory in Dagenham, England, go on strike for equal pay for men and women, thereby experiencing conflicts with their families and co-workers as well as trade unionists. Their struggle contributes to achievement of an Equal Pay Law in the country.

Suffragette (United Kingdom, 2015)
Director: Sarah Gavron.
Starring: Carey Mulligan, Helena Bonham Carter, Meryl Streep, Brendan Gleeson
In 1912, women in England are fighting for the right to vote. After establishing contact with the suffragettes, a textile worker become aware of the exploitation women are subjected to in the factory and the inequalities existing between men and women within the family.

Pride(United Kingdom, 2014)
Director: Matthew Warchus.

Starring: Bill Nighy, Imelda Staunton, Paddy Considine, Dominic West'
Based on a true story. In 1984, Margaret Thatcher is Prime Minister and the miner workers go on strike. Gays and lesbian activists decide to support workers from a small mining village in Wales. A relationship characterised by a combination of prejudice, intolerance, tolerance and solidarity develops.

Union Maids (USA, 1976). Documentary.
Directors: Jim Klein, Julia Reichert, Miles Mogulescu
The reminiscences of 3 women who took part in the worker’s movement during the Depression era in Chicago – Kate Hyndman, Stella Nowicki, Sylvia Woods – and their analysis of the labour movement in the 1970s.

Eles não usam black-tie (Brazil, 1981)
Director: Leon Hirszman
Starring: Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Fernanda Montenegro, Carlos Alberto Ricelli, Bete Mendes.
A young couple decides to get married when the woman gets pregnant and they are forced to deal with tensions surrounding the strike in the factory they both work in and in their families, as they refuse to strike in order not to negatively affect their personal plans.

Ni Dios, ni patrón, ni marido (Argentina, 2010)
Director: Laura Maña
Starring: Eugenia Tobal, Esther Goris, Ulises Dumont
The film reconstructs the creation of the anarchist-feminist newspaper “Woman’s voice” by the activist Virginia Bolten in Argentina in the late 19th century, and the struggle of a group of female workers against the exploitation they were subjected to.

Muchachas(Switzerland and Mexico, 2015). Documentary.
Director: Juliana Fanjul
The documentary looks at work performed by domestic workers from the perspective of some of them in Mexico.

Mujeres de la mina (Argentina, 2014)
Directors: Loreley Unamuno and Malena Bystrowicz
The documentary portrays three women working at the mines of Cerro Rico in Potosí (Bolivia) and their struggle against poor living and working conditions.

 

Annex 2: Materials with which to build gender equality in trade unions

ITUC - Achieving gender equality. A trade union manual.
https://www.ituc-csi.org/IMG/pdf/manuel_ENGOK.pdf

ITUC – Count Us In: Women leading change.
https://www.equaltimes.org/count-us-in-women-leading-change#.XdKCEVdKiF5

UNI - Equality in Union Culture.Practical Guide to Establishing Equality Policies in Union Organization
https://uniglobalunion.org/sites/default/files/imce/3-_booklet_on_equality_en.pdf

IUF - A gender equality guide for trade unionists in the Agriculture, Food, Hotel and Catering sectors. All for one = one for all.
http://www.iuf.org/AllforOne.pdf

IFJ - A handbook on gender equality best practices in European Journalists' Unions
https://www.ifj.org/what/gender-equality.html

ILO - Violence and harassment against women and men in the world of work. Trade Union perspectives and action
https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_dialogue/---actrav/documents/publication/wcms_546645.pdf

ILO and UN Women - Handbook. Addressing violence and harassment against women in the world of work
http://endvawnow.org/uploads/browser/files/work-handbook-interior-web-rev.pdf

 

 

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